Congo Crimes Should Be on the Agenda of the UN Security Council
Fabienne Hara, The Huffington Post 14 Oct 2010
The UN's release of a long awaited report on crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993-2003 is not only an opportunity to re-examine the historical record of mass violence in DRC - the scale and nature of which was often overlooked in the wake of the genocide in neighboring Rwanda - but is also a chance to correct the terms of the deceptive and fragile peace some leaders wish to proclaim in the resource-rich Great Lakes region of Africa.
The report exposes the scale and nature of the violence, in which for example fleeing women and children were lured into repatriation camps only to be executed. This should be enough to spark outrage and rouse international calls for justice and accountability. Indeed, if considered by a competent court, the documented crimes could be found to amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide. Considering the consequences of decades of impunity in the DRC, which persists today and still drives conflict in Eastern DRC, this report demands the attention of the UN Security Council.
First and foremost, members of the UN Security Council should make good on their many promises to help end impunity in the DRC by supporting a Congolese national dialogue on the report and considering ways to promote accountability for the crimes, including by supporting a hybrid tribunal in the DRC. Such a national dialogue ahead of 2011 presidential elections would hopefully lead to greater efforts to improve justice and security sector reform and boost international support to these efforts.
While the Congolese have welcomed the report's release, the other region's leaders have reactived very negatively. One diplomat described it as a "nuclear bomb for the region" and President Kagame of Rwanda threatened to withdraw his country's peacekeepers before the UN made the report public. These reactions may cause some at the UN and members of the UN Security Council to see the report as a mere irritant to efforts to resolve the conflicts in Eastern DRC and promote reconciliation between Rwanda and the Congo. This would be a mistake and missed opportunity. It is critical to refocus the significance of the report for the people of the DRC, and to allow them to lead by taking ownership of their own history. There are several options for extending the reach of accountability to those who would otherwise escape Congolese justice, should that be the preferred course of action. An obvious one would be for the Security Council to extend the mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, giving it a regional jurisdiction, for instance on foreign nationals for crimes committed in the DCR and extending its temporal reach beyond 1994 and at least until 2002 when the ICC was created.
Addressing the historic record of impunity in the DRC would go a long way to foster durable peace and real security in the region. The much-heralded rapprochement between President Kagame and President Kabila of DRC in early 2009 has not improved security for the Congolese people, as the recent rape of more than 500 people in just a few days near Walikale attests. Whatever the leaders' secretive, and likely temporary, agreements on integration of CNDP rebels into the Congolese army, joint operations against armed groups and the exploitation of Congo's resources, they don't appear to achieve results as various armed groups are splintering and realigning in the competition for resources and the region remains incredibly volatile.
For the last decade, peace efforts have been based on the narrative that the two previous regional Congo wars and the war between the Congolese government and Rwandan-backed CNDP rebels were justified by the fight against the FDLR, the Rwandan Hutu armed group whose leadership was partly responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. While the FDLR are and remain a scourge on the populations of DRC and Rwanda, the collective guilt felt by the international community for failing to respond to the Rwandan genocide led many powerful countries to turn a blind eye to the criminal and indiscriminant tactics used by Rwandan and Ugandan security forces during the two Congo wars as documented in the report. These same countries did not question the interests of Congo's neighbors in fighting not only the FDLR and other rebel groups, but maintaining a foothold in the wealthy mining regions of Congo.
By exposing the crimes committed on all sides, including Congolese, the UN report helps us better understand the combination of Congo's state collapse, the impact of external conflicts played out on Congo's soil, and the utter lack of respect for humanitarian law that has undermined efforts to establish peace and rebuild the state. If nothing else, the UN Security Council should at least take away from this report that no amount of military support alone will be enough to protect civilians or resolve the conflicts in the DRC.
Ending the conflicts once for all requires a new strategy of political engagement and a much-delayed realization of the Security Council's expressed commitment to accountability. An official debate on the report in the Council would be a start, but what the people of Congo really need is a genuine commitment from regional leaders and countries such as the US, UK, France and China to following up the report with action to combat impunity and foster fresh dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda, in particular, to negotiate contentious issues such as state reform, wealth sharing, citizenship and land issues. At the very least the Security Council should establish an advisory committee to explore accountability options in response to the publication of the mapping report. Without such a commitment the cycle of violence described in the UN's report will undoubtedly continue.
Fabienne Hara is Vice President for Multilateral Affairs at the International Crisis Group.
The Huffington Post
Déclaration de la Haute Représentante, Mme Catherine Ashton, au nom de l'Union européenne, sur le rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo, établi par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme
UNION EUROPÉENNE
Bruxelles, le 6 octobre 2010
(OR. en)
14461/10
PRESSE 265
Déclaration de la Haute Représentante, Mme Catherine Ashton, au nom de l'Union européenne, sur le rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo, établi par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme
Fabienne Hara, The Huffington Post 14 Oct 2010
The UN's release of a long awaited report on crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993-2003 is not only an opportunity to re-examine the historical record of mass violence in DRC - the scale and nature of which was often overlooked in the wake of the genocide in neighboring Rwanda - but is also a chance to correct the terms of the deceptive and fragile peace some leaders wish to proclaim in the resource-rich Great Lakes region of Africa.
The report exposes the scale and nature of the violence, in which for example fleeing women and children were lured into repatriation camps only to be executed. This should be enough to spark outrage and rouse international calls for justice and accountability. Indeed, if considered by a competent court, the documented crimes could be found to amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide. Considering the consequences of decades of impunity in the DRC, which persists today and still drives conflict in Eastern DRC, this report demands the attention of the UN Security Council.
First and foremost, members of the UN Security Council should make good on their many promises to help end impunity in the DRC by supporting a Congolese national dialogue on the report and considering ways to promote accountability for the crimes, including by supporting a hybrid tribunal in the DRC. Such a national dialogue ahead of 2011 presidential elections would hopefully lead to greater efforts to improve justice and security sector reform and boost international support to these efforts.
While the Congolese have welcomed the report's release, the other region's leaders have reactived very negatively. One diplomat described it as a "nuclear bomb for the region" and President Kagame of Rwanda threatened to withdraw his country's peacekeepers before the UN made the report public. These reactions may cause some at the UN and members of the UN Security Council to see the report as a mere irritant to efforts to resolve the conflicts in Eastern DRC and promote reconciliation between Rwanda and the Congo. This would be a mistake and missed opportunity. It is critical to refocus the significance of the report for the people of the DRC, and to allow them to lead by taking ownership of their own history. There are several options for extending the reach of accountability to those who would otherwise escape Congolese justice, should that be the preferred course of action. An obvious one would be for the Security Council to extend the mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, giving it a regional jurisdiction, for instance on foreign nationals for crimes committed in the DCR and extending its temporal reach beyond 1994 and at least until 2002 when the ICC was created.
Addressing the historic record of impunity in the DRC would go a long way to foster durable peace and real security in the region. The much-heralded rapprochement between President Kagame and President Kabila of DRC in early 2009 has not improved security for the Congolese people, as the recent rape of more than 500 people in just a few days near Walikale attests. Whatever the leaders' secretive, and likely temporary, agreements on integration of CNDP rebels into the Congolese army, joint operations against armed groups and the exploitation of Congo's resources, they don't appear to achieve results as various armed groups are splintering and realigning in the competition for resources and the region remains incredibly volatile.
For the last decade, peace efforts have been based on the narrative that the two previous regional Congo wars and the war between the Congolese government and Rwandan-backed CNDP rebels were justified by the fight against the FDLR, the Rwandan Hutu armed group whose leadership was partly responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. While the FDLR are and remain a scourge on the populations of DRC and Rwanda, the collective guilt felt by the international community for failing to respond to the Rwandan genocide led many powerful countries to turn a blind eye to the criminal and indiscriminant tactics used by Rwandan and Ugandan security forces during the two Congo wars as documented in the report. These same countries did not question the interests of Congo's neighbors in fighting not only the FDLR and other rebel groups, but maintaining a foothold in the wealthy mining regions of Congo.
By exposing the crimes committed on all sides, including Congolese, the UN report helps us better understand the combination of Congo's state collapse, the impact of external conflicts played out on Congo's soil, and the utter lack of respect for humanitarian law that has undermined efforts to establish peace and rebuild the state. If nothing else, the UN Security Council should at least take away from this report that no amount of military support alone will be enough to protect civilians or resolve the conflicts in the DRC.
Ending the conflicts once for all requires a new strategy of political engagement and a much-delayed realization of the Security Council's expressed commitment to accountability. An official debate on the report in the Council would be a start, but what the people of Congo really need is a genuine commitment from regional leaders and countries such as the US, UK, France and China to following up the report with action to combat impunity and foster fresh dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda, in particular, to negotiate contentious issues such as state reform, wealth sharing, citizenship and land issues. At the very least the Security Council should establish an advisory committee to explore accountability options in response to the publication of the mapping report. Without such a commitment the cycle of violence described in the UN's report will undoubtedly continue.
Fabienne Hara is Vice President for Multilateral Affairs at the International Crisis Group.
The Huffington Post
Déclaration de la Haute Représentante, Mme Catherine Ashton, au nom de l'Union européenne, sur le rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo, établi par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme
UNION EUROPÉENNE
Bruxelles, le 6 octobre 2010
(OR. en)
14461/10
PRESSE 265
Déclaration de la Haute Représentante, Mme Catherine Ashton, au nom de l'Union européenne, sur le rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo, établi par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme
L'Union européenne prend bonne note de la publication, le 1er octobre, par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme (HCDH) de son rapport concernant les graves violations des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) entre 1993 et 2003.
L'Union européenne considère ce rapport comme une contribution supplémentaire à la lutte mondiale contre l'impunité pour les violations des droits de l'homme. Elle rappelle sa détermination à contribuer à la prévention des crimes qui violent les droits de l'homme et le droit humanitaire, ainsi que la nécessité de faire en sorte que les auteurs de ces crimes aient à répondre de leurs actes.
L'Union européenne prend acte des observations formulées par la RDC, le Rwanda, le Burundi, l'Ouganda et l'Angola, qui ont été publiées par le HCDH, et estime qu'il y a lieu de les évaluer.
L'Union européenne remercie le HCDH d'avoir élaboré ce rapport et préconise d'y donner une suite appropriée allant dans le sens des efforts déployés d'une manière plus générale pour lutter contre l'impunité en RDC et dans la région, notamment d'éventuelles évolutions en matière de justice transitoire.
Brussels, 6 October 2010 14461/10 Declaration by the High Representative Catherine Ashton on behalf of the European Union on the OHCHR Report of the Mapping Exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June
UNION EUROPÉENNE
FR
Bruxelles, le 6 octobre 2010
(OR. en)
14461/10
PRESSE 265
Déclaration de la Haute Représentante, Mme Catherine Ashton, au nom de l'Union européenne, sur le rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo, établi par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme
L'Union européenne prend bonne note de la publication, le 1er octobre, par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme (HCDH) de son rapport concernant les graves violations des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) entre 1993 et 2003.
L'Union européenne considère ce rapport comme une contribution supplémentaire à la lutte mondiale contre l'impunité pour les violations des droits de l'homme. Elle rappelle sa détermination à contribuer à la prévention des crimes qui violent les droits de l'homme et le droit humanitaire, ainsi que la nécessité de faire en sorte que les auteurs de ces crimes aient à répondre de leurs actes.
L'Union européenne prend acte des observations formulées par la RDC, le Rwanda, le Burundi, l'Ouganda et l'Angola, qui ont été publiées par le HCDH, et estime qu'il y a lieu de les évaluer.
L'Union européenne remercie le HCDH d'avoir élaboré ce rapport et préconise d'y donner une suite appropriée allant dans le sens des efforts déployés d'une manière plus générale pour lutter contre l'impunité en RDC et dans la région, notamment d'éventuelles évolutions en matière de justice transitoire.
La Croatie*, l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine* et l'Islande**, pays candidats, l'Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, le Monténégro et la Serbie, pays du processus de stabilisation et d'association et candidats potentiels et le Liechtenstein et la Norvège, pays de l'AELE membres de l'Espace économique européen, ainsi que la République de Moldavie et l'Arménie se rallient à la présente déclaration.
* La Croatie et l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine continuent à participer au processus de stabilisation et d'association.
** L'Islande continue à être membre de l'AELE et de l'Espace économique européen.
The European Union takes good note of the publication, on 1 October, by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) of its report covering grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) during the period of 1993 to 2003. The European Union considers the report an additional contribution in the global fight against impunity for human rights violations. The EU recalls its determination to support the prevention of crimes violating human rights and humanitarian law, and the need to hold accountable the perpetrators of such crimes. The European Union notes the comments by the DRC, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Angola published by OHCHR, and believes they should be assessed. The European Union thanks the OHCHR for having compiled the report and encourages an adequate follow-up in line with the broader efforts aimed at fighting impunity in the DRC and in the region, including possible developments regarding transitional justice. The Candidate Countries Croatia*, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia* and Iceland+, the Countries of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidates Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, and the EFTA countries Liechtenstein and Norway, members of the European Economic Area, as well as the Republic of Moldova and Armenia align themselves with this declaration. * Croatia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia continue to be part of the Stabilisation and Association Process.
29 septembre 2010 Rapport des Nations Unies sur les crimes commis au Zaïre : MSF réaffirme son devoir d’alerte
Le rapport du Haut-commissariat aux droits de l'homme des Nations Unies intitulé Rapport du Projet Mapping concernant les violations les plus graves des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire commises entre mars 1993 et juin 2003 sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo devrait être rendu public le 1er octobre. Paris, le 29 septembre 2010 - Ce document fait notamment référence à des rapports publiés par Médecins Sans Frontières au moment des faits (consultables en ligne sur www.msf.fr). MSF souhaite aujourd'hui clarifier sa position en tant qu'acteur humanitaire face à de tels faits. Au-delà de la dénonciation des violences et attaques non discriminées sur les populations réfugiées et civiles de la région, les rapports MSF dénonçaient l'utilisation criminelle de l'action des organisations humanitaires, particulièrement entre 1996 et 1998. En effet, l'aide humanitaire fut utilisée par les groupes armés, pour localiser, rassembler et massacrer les populations civiles et réfugiées. Dans ces circonstances exceptionnelles, le silence aurait été synonyme de complicité. Ce devoir d'alerte publique relève de la responsabilité directe d'un acteur humanitaire.
A l'époque, et durant les années qui ont suivi, la parole de ceux qui, tel MSF, alertaient sur ces massacres a été mise en doute. Sans préjuger de la portée de ce nouveau rapport, il reste crucial d'analyser les raisons de cet aveuglement et l'absence de soutien aux organisations de secours qui y faisaient face. Aujourd'hui la guerre se poursuit dans l'est de la République Démocratique du Congo où les violences contre les populations civiles n'ont jamais cessé. Le rôle essentiel de MSF reste de pouvoir accéder aux victimes en négociant avec tous les groupes armés. Pour ce faire, l'organisation ne peut être perçue comme témoin à charge dans des procédures judiciaires, ce qui mettrait en péril ses actions et ses équipes.
C'est pourquoi MSF persistera à jouer son rôle d'alerte immédiate dans les situations les plus graves, mais continuera à refuser de s'enrôler dans les batailles judiciaires à venir.
Pour plus d'informations contacter Samuel Hanryon du service de presse MSF 01 40 21 28 23 - samuel.hanryon@paris.msf.org
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